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Political situation in the EU

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for32against   I am satisfied with the political situation in the European Union. No reason to hesitate. For instance, because... (if I wanted to write why, I wrote it here), positive
for34against   Sollen die Rechtsradikalen Europa regieren?Die Europäer sollten sich schämen!Wer nicht wählt,wählt rechts!, SEPP
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Europe veers right to beat recession

It may be difficult to say who "won" the European elections, but it is clear who lost. From France to Poland – and spectacularly in Britain – politicians of the moderate left were shunned or humiliated by the few voters who bothered to cast their ballots.In a time of recession – and especially one caused by the exuberance and immoderate greed of markets – centre-left arguments might have been expected to thrive. Instead, centre-left parties of government were routed in Britain and soundly defeated in Portugal and narrowly beaten in Spain. Centre-left opposition ...

European Union danger elections

Since 1979, these MEPs have been elected direct rather than indirectly from national parliaments. But turnout for these elections has been falling in several countries. There is a danger that the number voting in June will be lower than ever before.Moreover, in the current grim economic conditions across Europe, voters who do turn out are all too likely to take the opportunity to punish the major parties and vote for fringe and even extremist politicians. There are particular circumstances that may encourage this electoral response.First, everywhere there is a sense of disgust at the way the ...

Neuregelung: EU-Abgeordnete dürfen Business Class fliegen

08.04.2009 08:57Ab Sommer dürfen EU-Parlamentarier auch Kurzstrecken-Flüge in der Business Class absolvieren. In Zeiten der Wirtschaftskrise sei das dreist, sagen Kritiker.Holzklasse adé heißt es ab Sommer für die EU-Abgeordneten. Denn ein neuer Verhaltenskodex erlaubt es den Parlamentariern ab der nächsten Legislaturperiode, auch auf Kurzstrecken in der Business Class zu fliegen. Das berichtet die Zeitung "Die Welt" am Mittwoch. "Die Reisekosten werden auf der Grundlage der tatsächlich entstandenen Kosten erstattet, und zwar bis zu dem Tarif der Business ...

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Incomplete information and bargaining in the EU: An explanation of first-reading non-agreements
According to the logic of standard veto bargaining models with complete information, bargaining in the European Union should never reach the second reading of the ordinary legislative procedure (co-decision). Even so, non-agreement at the first reading occurs frequently in European Union decision making. How can this be explained? Drawing upon game theory on bargaining with incomplete information, two specific predictions with regard to the occurrence of first-reading non-agreements can be generated. First-reading agreements are less likely to occur (1) the greater the distance between the ideal point of the Council and the ideal point of the European Parliament and (2) the greater the salience attached to the proposal. This article combines positional and proposal-specific data and finds robust support for both hypotheses in two different empirical tests.
Do electoral rules matter? Explaining national differences in women's representation in the European Parliament
The European Parliament (EP) has one of the highest proportions of women in its ranks, with over a third in 2009. Although previous research has pointed to the use of proportional representation (PR) in European elections as ‘friendlier’ to women, few have looked at differences in the types of PR rules in use in each country. In this article, we argue that the conventional wisdom according to which institutional design—the choice of electoral rules—should shape the composition of the EP does not hold, and suggest that the well-documented empirical connection between electoral rules and descriptive representation might in fact be an endogenous rather than a causal relationship.
Do asylum recognition rates in Europe respond to transnational terrorism? The migration-security nexus revisited
Scholars assume that transnational terrorism has culminated in policy securitization with expansive restrictions on migration. I evaluate the impact of transnational terrorism on asylum recognition among European Union and Schengen member-states from 1980 until 2007. I unpack the impact of terrorism according to the location of incidents. The article illustrates that policy tightening is more pronounced when recipient states experience terrorism on their own soil or against their citizens. In contrast, measuring transnational terrorism as attacks worldwide mutes the impact of security concerns. The findings show that policy stringency is not directed against particular sources of terrorism and demonstrates that the humanitarian principles underpinning asylum recognition have not been eroded by terrorism. The article thus represents an important step in differentiating between channels of impact whereby transnational terror shapes policy outcomes.
Inclusive versus exclusive: A cross-national comparison of the effects of subnational, national, and supranational identity
A superordinate identity reduces bias and facilitates intergroup cooperation. This suggests that getting European Union (EU) citizens to identify with Europe will decrease outgroup hostility. Is European identity thus a superordinate identity? Using Eurobarometer data, I determine which level of identification is the most inclusive for individuals' immigration attitudes. Those who feel European hold more favorable views toward immigrants—an effect that is amplified under conditions of cross-cutting cleavages and where country length of European Union membership is greatest. In contrast, strong national identity is associated with more negative immigration attitudes; regional identity has no effect. A subsequent test confirms that the benefits of identifying with Europe extend most strongly to immigrants of European Union origin, although positive effects are observed toward non-European Union migrants as well.

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